They're [Chinese authorities] trying to turn the industrial engines back on as quickly as they can, but its a bit of a challenge because 60 percent of the Chinese economy is in the service sector. And even if they wanted people to go to movie theaters and restaurants right now, I don't think there's a lot of demand.
The spread of the coronavirus has held a mirror up to the bilateral relationship and the image that has emerged is ugly. Now, leaders in both countries are consumed by arguments over where the virus emerged and who is to blame for its spread, rather than on what must be done, collectively, to stop it...China will struggle to persuade the world that it is a benign major power coming to the aid of those in need when it simultaneously is pushing out fringe conspiracy theories. It would be much wiser of Beijing to let its aid to others speak for itself, but it is unclear whether it has the discipline to do so at the moment.
In a normal functioning administration, my advice would be to identify practical ways where the U.S. and China can pool resources and expertise to help get the global spread of coronavirus under control. Such an approach is a bridge too far for the current administration, sadly. To be clear, there is much criticism to be levied against China, and there will be plenty of time for score-keeping, but now is not that time.
The United States should continue to deter Beijing from use of force, maintain an unblinking eye on Hong Kong, and make Beijing pay a heavy reputational cost for curtailing the rights and freedoms of Hong Kong citizens...[Yet] I worry that the protesters in Hong Kong risk misinterpreting American sympathy and support of their cause for expectation that the United States will shield them from Beijing’s heavy hand.
Dating back to the Obama administration, the U.S. argument has been that China has a reputational challenge in the United States, where it more often is associated with problems for American people than solutions. Curbing the flow of fentanyl provides an opportunity for Beijing to show it is helping to solve problems for Americans, rather than be the source of them.
On April 7, Ryan Hass spoke on a panel about China’s Belt and Road Initiative and China’s relations with the Middle East during a session of the “World Economic Forum on the Middle East and Africa,” which was held in Amman, Jordan.
[The high-profile announcement of U.S. charges against Huawei] may end up raising the asking price of what the Chinese believe they need to secure from negotiations [with the United States over trade] in order to demonstrate to a domestic audience that they achieved an equitable and fair deal.
The Chinese leadership has promised for years that reform was around the bend and then you see things like President Xi’s speech where he emphasized the central role of the party... Members of the business community see the Trump administration as an opportunity for the U.S. to rattle the cage in Beijing.
[I]t is becoming increasingly difficult for [the United States and China] to reconcile their competing perspectives... Both countries are becoming entrenched in their narratives and having increasing difficulty finding common ground.
[In his remarks on the Trump administration's policy towards China at the Hudson Institute on October 4, 2018, Vice President Mike Pence] attempted to shift public scrutiny from Russia to China. ... He asserted that Russian efforts to interfere in America’s electoral process "pales in comparison to what China is doing."