
The housing policy matchmaker
The graph and table below present information for Barnstable compared to all metropolitan counties in Massachusetts, because Barnstable is a one-county metro area.
Barnstable County, Mass., is a high-cost, shrinking county located in a high-cost, slow-growth state. Four of the 12 Massachusetts counties saw population declines between 2009 and 2019. Eleven of 12 counties have expensive or nearly-expensive housing value-to-income ratios (above 3.5). Nationally, only 32 metro counties fall into this group.


- Barnstable County’s population change rate, -0.04, is well below that of the average county in Massachusetts, and well below the national average. Sustained population losses over time can lead to high housing vacancy rates.
- The typical household in Barnstable County would have to pay 5.3 times their annual income to purchase the median home in the county. Home value-to-income ratios between 2.5-3.5 are considered healthy. These ratios assume that most homebuyers can afford to purchase a home approximately three times annual income, depending on prevailing mortgage interest rates, down payment, etc.
- Households earning less than 52,440 (or 63% of the metro area median income) would have difficulty paying rent for the median rental home in Barnstable County, while spending no more than 30% of their income on rent. While middle-income households in the metro area can afford median rent in Barnstable County, low-income households in the region will fall below this threshold.
- 28.3% of renters in Barnstable County are severely cost burdened, meaning they spend more than half their income on rent. That is above the severely cost-burdened share for all metro counties in Massachusetts and above the national average.
- The vacancy rate, 42.3%, is very high, reflecting a large presence of seasonally vacant homes (38.3%). Vacancy rates of 6-10% reflect a good balance between housing supply and demand.
- The housing stock is new relative to the rest of Massachusetts but old compared to the U.S. overall: 12.4% of homes were built prior to 1940, while 19.8% were built after 1990. New housing is generally higher quality than older homes and more expensive to buy or rent, while having lower maintenance costs.
Note: County governments have very limited policymaking authority in Massachusetts, because all land is incorporated in cities and towns. The policy recommendations described below would require implementation from city/town governments.
Recommended policy solutions
Increase housing supply. Housing is expensive because supply has not kept up with demand. High prices and rents, combined with low vacancy rates, indicate that there is unmet demand for housing. It is important to realize that no single county can produce enough housing to meet demand for the entire metro area. Reducing housing costs in expensive, supply-constrained metro areas will require sustained periods of increased housing production across multiple jurisdictions. All high-cost counties within a metro area adopting the strategies described below will have better results than actions by a single county, and county officials can play a leading role in coordinating across jurisdictions and sectors to achieve those goals.
Make it easier to build small, moderately priced homes. In expensive metro areas, the size of homes and the amount of land used per home are major factors in the price of individual homes. Single-family detached homes on large lots are the most expensive structure type. Rowhouses, townhomes, two-to-four family homes, and low-rise apartment buildings have lower per-unit development costs than detached homes. These structures are also well suited for rental housing, which is more affordable to moderate-income households, and as starter homes for prospective first-time buyers who are currently priced out of the market. Zoning changes that enable smaller, less land-intensive structures to be built as-of-right in more parts of the county will increase the diversity of housing choices and widen the price range of available homes. Companion zoning reforms include relaxing dimensional requirements, such as minimum lot sizes, setbacks, lot coverage or floor-to-area ratios. Reducing minimum parking requirements and allowing flexibility in design standards can also result in cost savings for newly built homes.
Developing a specific menu of zoning reforms will require an assessment of the county’s current housing types, density, and land availability. Exactly what types of zoning reform will yield the largest supply increases and cost reductions will vary across high-cost counties. A locality that has predominantly detached homes on one-acre lots—typical of many outer suburbs—could realize substantial cost savings by allowing rowhouses on 4,000 square foot lots. For urban counties and inner-ring suburbs that currently have many small-lot homes and little undeveloped land, increasing housing supply may require zoning reforms that allow redeveloping single-family homes, parking lots, or commercial buildings as low- or mid-rise apartments. High-rise construction has the highest per-square-foot costs and will typically only occur in places with very expensive land and high rents.
Make the development process simpler and shorter. The length of time required to complete development projects, combined with the complexity of the process, are significant factors in the price of newly built housing. Local development processes that make decisions on a case-by-case basis, rather than following consistent, transparent rules, increase the uncertainty and risk of development, which translates into higher costs. Discretionary processes include requiring special permits (also called conditional use permits), site plan reviews, environmental impact reviews, and negotiations over impact fees all add to development costs. Policy changes that reduce development time and complexity include allowing more development as-of-right; integrating approvals for multiple parts of the development process through a one-stop-shopping approach; setting a clear and transparent impact fee schedule; and setting deadlines that require decisions to be made within a set period of time.
Expand vouchers or income supports for low-income renters. Even in communities where enough housing is built to accommodate increased demand, market-rate housing remains unaffordable to many low-income households. The poorest 20% of households everywhere in the U.S. spend more than half their income on housing, well above the threshold HUD defines as affordable. Only one in four eligible households receives federal rental assistance, including vouchers and public housing. Local governments that have sufficient resources can supplement these programs through locally funded rental vouchers or direct income supports. These programs require an ongoing funding source; high-income counties may be able to finance local vouchers from general tax revenues such as property or sales taxes, while lower-income counties will require support from state or federal governments.
An alternative to household-based subsidies for low-income households is to provide land or financial support for acquisition or construction of affordable housing. Local jurisdictions often own or have significant control over physical assets—such as publicly owned land or airspace—that can be leveraged to increase the availability of affordable housing in the community. Affordable housing trust funds are a flexible financing vehicle to support these activities.
Housing market conditions can vary across submarkets within counties. These policy recommendations are based on an assessment of overall county-level housing metrics. Larger counties often have multiple distinct submarkets with varying affordability, physical quality, infrastructure availability, and development regulations. Cities, towns, and neighborhoods that offer the best economic opportunity—proximity to well-paid jobs, transportation, good schools, and other amenities—often have housing that is too expensive for moderate-income households in the county. Lower-cost communities tend to have older, poorer quality housing. Addressing within-county disparities in housing costs, availability, and quality may require coordinating between independent political entities (e.g., separate cities and towns) in counties with more fragmented local government.
Consider unmet need for seasonal workforce housing. Areas with high seasonal vacancy rates often have employment that fluctuates at different times of the year, such as tourism and outdoor recreation. Many workers in these industries earn relatively low wages and may not be able to afford market-rate housing. Seasonal fluctuations in population may not support development of traditional housing types (single- or multifamily buildings), so may require flexible housing options, such as dormitories, boarding houses, or mobile homes. Policymakers should review zoning laws, building codes, and occupancy requirements to ensure that regulations offer flexibility to accommodate seasonal population changes.