Transcript
SENATOR HAGEL: As we recognize the 90th Anniversary of the Brookings Institution, it is instructive to reflect back on the world of 1916 when Brookings was born, then known as the Institute for Government Research. In 1916, the world was in a period of wrenching and bloody transition. War raged in Europe. It was a war triggered by a series of tragic misjudgments stemming from decades-old resentments and shifting European alliances. It was a war fueled by the Industrial Revolution, the most deadly war the world had ever known. Within one year, the United States would shake off its historic isolationism and engage in its first global conflict.
The Treaty of Versailles brought an end to the fighting, but it did not bring resolution. The United States retreated from a position of world leadership, and back into its shell of irresponsible isolationism the world economy collapsed and lingering global resentments continued to heighten. Roughly twenty years later harsh post-war reparations and arrogant nationalism gave rise to an even deadlier period of global transition: World War II.
America's leaders following World War II learned from the failed and dangerous policies of the first half of the 20th century. After World War II, the United States became the indispensable global leader. Along with our allies, we created organizations of global interest and common purpose, like the United Nations, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (now the World Trade Organization), NATO, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and dozens of other multilateral institutions. Leaders like Truman, Marshall, Acheson, Hull, Vandenberg, and Eisenhower led in the rebuilding of Europe and Japan.
Ninety years after the creation of the Brookings Institution, we live in a different world, but once again a world in transition. The lessons learned after World War II still apply. American leadership is still indispensable in the world, and the institutions and alliances formed after World War II are as vital today as when they were formed right after World War II.
For decades, the United States used its power and influence to help forge international consensus on vital issues. America's leadership inspired the trust and confidence of a generation of governments and nations around the world because we pursued common actions that reflected common interests with our allies, because we remained committed to global engagement, and because we exercised our power with restraint. We made mistakes. It was imperfect. There were differences with our allies. But despite the imperfections and shortcomings, the United States and its allies contributed to world stability and the spread of freedom and prosperity.
Today, the world and America are in deep trouble. In a speech before the Council on Foreign Relations last November, I warned that the world's trust and confidence in America's purpose has seriously eroded. America is increasingly not seen as the well-spring of consensus that for decades helped create alliances and coalitions grounded in common objectives and common interests.
This is in contrast to a very troubling trend toward isolationism that is now emerging in America today, a trend that was reflected in this week's New York Times/CBS News poll of Americans about our country's role in the world. This trend is a looming concern that may not be obvious but is manifest across seemingly unconnected events and issues. We must avoid the trap of limiting our power by allowing ourselves to become isolated in the world. America must not allow itself to become isolated through mindless isolationist remedies to difficult and complicated problems.
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