Transcript
Peace and Nation-Building go hand in hand: Dr. Ashrawi focused on the need for the simultaneous, rather than successive, pursuit of two goals: Palestinian nation building and peace negotiations with Israel. She argued that both Israel and international mediators like the United States had in the past viewed the two processes as mutually exclusive, such that one was always being sacrificed in order to advance the other. Palestinians had to pay the price for separating the two, which she argued are integrally inter-related.
Ashrawi explained that unless Palestinians believe there will be a peace process that enables them to achieve real sovereignty, they will not be enticed by other institutions or rights of democratic statehood. At the same time, these democratic goals (such as women's equality) should not be sacrificed in the name of the full pursuit of peace, because this might delay the introduction of democratic rights indefinitely.
Since the recent elections, Ashrawi noted, Palestinians have expressed their optimism that Abu Mazen will achieve these dual objectives. Ashrawi argued that, for him to succeed, the Palestinian people must have clear markers that this is a different peace process: release of prisoners and a lifting of 'the siege' that involves checkpoints and the loss of Palestinian freedoms. Further, she asserted, success requires a cessation of those activities that undermine Palestinian support for peace, such as settlement expansion, the building of the separation barrier in and around Jerusalem, and the expropriation of land on behalf of the security wall.
Though Ashrawi stated that Palestinians will not accept democracy as an external gift and that some Palestinians risk 'throwing the baby out with the bathwater' by rejecting democratization due to its connections with the West, she does see a crucial role for U.S. participation. The dual development of peace and nation building both require signs from the United States that it will support the process of reforming the Palestinian Authority and its security forces. In discussion, Ashrawi described the Bush administration as following the Israeli line: first reform the corrupt Palestinian authority with democratization, and then peace will come. She argues that the administration must recognize the need to resolve Palestinian grievances against ongoing Israeli actions and keep in sight such issues as settlement activity, rather than just focus on democracy as the source for peace. Further, Ashrawi put the onus on the United States and Israel to show that a peace process exists—that the Gaza disengagement is not in fact unilateral, and that Israel will not demand payback for the disengagement later through further acceptance of West Bank settlements. This necessary proof of progress cannot be given, she asserted, unless the United States and Israel link Sharon's disengagement plan with the roadmap and issues of Palestinian statehood. Until then, though Ashrawi acknowledges America's commitment to a two-state solution, she feels the lack of any connection between current U.S. efforts and this stated goal.
Given Hamas' recent electoral success, Ashrawi recommended that Abu Mazen must combat corruption in the Palestinian Authority if he wishes to achieve his political goals. He must encourage financial, institutional, and personnel reform by strengthening the accountability system and removing known corrupt officials. The new Palestinian Legislative Council plays a role in the reform of institutions through its increasingly comprehensive and diverse representation. Fatah members stacked the old Council and often bowed to pressure from Arafat, shielding him from accountability for governmental corruption. But with Yassir Arafat no longer there to prevent the development of a system of checks and balances, the Council will increasingly hold the executive accountable, she predicted. The peace process, with Israeli willingness and the support of the United States, will thus move forward simultaneous with the reforms required for nation building.
Revitalizing Fatah: For Fatah to take a lead in the future of the Palestinian Authority, Ashrawi argued that the party must reform and revitalize its leadership. Primarily, Fatah must hold internal elections to determine its candidates for the coming legislative elections. The 'old guard' must make room for the 'young' (which, she noted, has itself aged while waiting for its turn in power) through a graceful exit. The old Fatah leadership, she related, has maintained a monopoly on party and government positions, playing musical chairs in both the political and security apparatus. Fatah cannot continue its old habits of corruption in use of resources, money and power, Ashrawi argued, noting that the latest disagreement over the cabinet roster illustrates the pressure for individual, political, and legal reform within Fatah. Ashrawi contrasts Fatah's support for its loyalist candidates in the municipal elections with Hamas' success in putting forward candidates who, while not party loyalists, had a local reputation for effectiveness and lack of corruption. Many Palestinians gave their vote to Hamas, she asserted, not out of religiosity or extremism, but to cut corruption. If Fatah does not change, Ashrawi warned, it will isolate itself from the political process.
Reforming Hamas: Ashrawi also responded to questions about how to integrate an armed militant Islamist group such as Hamas into the political process. She argued that the Hamas leadership can read the reality of the Palestinian political situation and understands that the Palestinian public does not desire more bombings. The politicization of Hamas has already begun, she argued, and will continue gradually: Already the leadership meets with other international authorities, Hamas has gained legitimacy through the municipal elections, and will gain further legitimacy through its participation in the legislative elections. Ashrawi argues that it is these latter elections that will provide the true map of factionalism in Palestinian politics that the presidential elections masked because of the lack of choices. But to continue Hamas' integration into the political process, she argued, first Palestinians must create a democratic system which allows Hamas to express itself legally and nonviolently. Second, they must have a judiciary capable of enforcing the rule of law so that Hamas cannot legitimately act outside this nonviolent political framework. As for the arms borne by Hamas supporters, Ashrawi noted that the Palestinian Authority has the laws necessary to take them away, but that enforcing them is another matter.
The next few months, Ashrawi predicted, will reveal the future of Palestinian politics: either the forces of peace, moderation, and democracy will grow or groups like Hamas and Islamic Jihad will continue to thrive as reforms fail.